Milan Richter

* 1952

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  • "He [Father], as a believing communist, was excited about it, but of course, he started during that practice - because he was dealing with some procedural things from the beginning, and now various illegalities resulted. Because the State Security, he then spoke later on when it came to how to rehabilitate or compensate these people, I don't know, tens of thousands of people who were somehow disabled and so on, arrested and punished... And he himself said that it didn't go like more or less retrospectively after that some 60 years, because the State Security didn't actually investigate. It just arrested somebody on some denunciation or they needed to arrest somebody, so they arrested them. He got a slap on the wrist, signed and was sent to court. They had an envelope with how many years he was to get. And that's the way it was. So, in retrospect, then somehow to rehabilitate and study that process - there were no records of that. The StB did everything, except then he was taken to court by some of these people, well, a lot of them, right, and the court just pronounced the sentence that was already predetermined."

  • "Well, we had a commander, it was called a chief. And he was the chairman of some party organization. And the relations were kind of cool and there were no problems. And he took me aside like that one time and he said, 'You, Milan, man, you're so good, you're so smart, you don't have any trouble. So we talked about you at a party meeting, that we would nominate you as a party candidate.' I said -because I was already a bit distant about it: 'Yeah? No way, for God's sake. I don't know, come on...' 'Well, no, it's not possible, but of course, it's also the fact that we had to ask at home, so we wrote to the local Communist Party organisation there. Well, I was surprised at the reply that came back! We can't accept you as a party candidate!' I said, 'Well, that's clear to me!' So it was funny, that's how my dad saved me. I can't imagine if they had pressured me, that would have been stupid."

  • "When Palach died, that's when we were... I was at Wenceslas Square and such an event... Like this, spontaneously, people gathered there. Then they went. Well, there was a guy and he had this Czechoslovak flag, but a big one. And now he was running around with it. So somehow the four of us got together and we each grabbed one end of the flag. And now we spread it out, now we shouted, 'Jan Hus! Jan Palach!' and slogans like that. And we walked down from the top of the museum where it happened, and we went down and we were going to walk through Wenceslas Square. But we noticed that people had joined us behind us. So you could say that I [made] a kind of demonstration with these guys. Because there were actually more of them following us, such a crowd. So we turned onto Příkopy and we kept shouting, and now it was buzzing because there were more people and more and more. We went through Republic Square, through Revoluční Square, we sovereignly entered the Letná Tunnel. There the cops stopped the traffic so that there wouldn't be trouble. So they didn't do anything to us. We got out, we walked through Letna and we said we were going to the Castle. And that was really a parade! I don't know, a parade - maybe a hundred metres, a hundred and fifty metres, like on May Day, on Letná. And good, we came to the Powder Bridge and we walked there from the Powder Bridge, along Letná, there is the crossroads. And we went up there and there were some trucks and some police vans. But like, 'Calm down, disperse! This is the end, no more! Blah blah blah.' So that's how it stayed, those people, and now there were different shouts of something, blah blah, and that was the end of it."

  • "And then he was appointed Chief Military Prosecutor of Czechoslovakia and Deputy Prosecutor General. So he was basically the top dog. He got the rank of colonel—those were the three stars back then. And he was probably at the peak of his career. He was always trying to push for these kinds of things. At that time, there was a great opportunity with what was called the Prague Spring, you know, and so on. Already from 1967, things were calming down, becoming looser, even though the leading party, the ruling party, that didn’t change—everything still had to go through them. But it wasn’t as bad anymore, and that was clearly visible in art and culture, and so on. So that was good. He also started to try to get involved in some things then. They rehabilitated Rudolf Barák, who had been the Minister of the Interior. He had also been arrested and convicted. Then came Štrougal as Minister of the Interior. And they managed to get Barák released and maybe even rehabilitated. But as he said, otherwise it was all so confusing that it was hard to make sense of anything. He said the only real chance, generally speaking, would be to declare: ‘Everyone who was convicted from the day of a certain decree or ruling is innocent and was never truly tried.’ That was the proposal, because individual cases couldn’t even be investigated—there weren’t... The State Security didn’t mess around. They had everything under control, and the court just rubber-stamped it. I mean, just look—only two weeks ago I saw that they rehabilitated Father Toufar. Just two weeks ago! And the State Security beat him to death sometime around 1950."

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    Praha, 24.10.2024

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Dad as chief military prosecutor wanted to hold Štrougal accountable

Milan Richter, 1973
Milan Richter, 1973
zdroj: archive of a witness

Milan Richter was born on December 29, 1952 in Prague as the third child of JUDr. Milan Richter. His father went through total deployment during the Second World War and in May 1945 he was actively involved in the Prague Uprising when he defended the Old Town Hall. After the war, he studied law, joined the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ) and took up a career as a military prosecutor. In the 1950s, JUDr. Milan Richter tried to fight against violations of the law at the 5th Department of the Main Staff, located in the infamous House in Kapucínská Street. He and his colleague, JUDr. Zdeněk Zatloukal, founded the Kapucínský duch (Capuchin Spirit) association and eventually succeeded in getting the investigators really convicted in 1953. However, this was soon followed by a transfer to the prosecutor‘s office in České Budějovice, where his family lived with him. In 1967, JUDr. Milan Richter was called back to Prague and eventually appointed Chief Military Prosecutor of Czechoslovakia. His efforts to rehabilitate the illegally convicted, including the executed Heliodor Píka, were ended in 1968 by the invasion of Warsaw Pact troops, his transfer to Tábor, his expulsion from the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and his subsequent retirement to the reserves. In December 1976, he was one of the first to sign the Charter 77 Declaration. In 1981, after a house search, further persecution came - arrest, demotion to private and withdrawal of pension. He was rehabilitated and restored to the rank of colonel only after 1989. Milan Richter Jr. grew up in České Budějovice, trained as an electromechanic in Prague and worked all his life in the Střešovice depot. In January 1969, he actively participated in the funeral march to commemorate Jan Palach, in 1989 he took part in the November demonstrations and founded a cell of the Civic Forum in the depot. He saw his father as a stern but extremely honest man with a strong sense of justice, who was only shaken out of his enthusiasm for the communist idea by the shock of 1968 and who, until his death in 1996, did not give up his desire to correct the illegal trials and crimes of the communist regime of the 1950s. Milan Richter Jr. was living in Prague in 2024 and had been accompanying his big beat band on drums for nearly 30 years.